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This "The Audacious War" was written by Clarence W. (Clarence Walker) Barron in English language.

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The Audacious War
By
Clarence W. (Clarence
Walker) Barron

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Title: The Audacious War
Author: Clarence W. Barron
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Language: English
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***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AUDACIOUS
WAR***
E-text prepared by Al Haines
THE AUDACIOUS WAR
by
CLARENCE W. BARRON
Boston and New York Houghton Mifflin Company The Riverside Press Cambridge 1915
Copyright, 1914 and 1915, by the Boston News Bureau Company Copyright, 1915, by Clarence
W. Barron All Rights Reserved Published February 1915
THIRD IMPRESSION
IF!
Suppose 't
were done!
The lanyard pulled on every shotted gun;
Into the wheeling death-clutch sent
Each
millioned armament,
To grapple there
On land, on sea and under, and in air!
Suppose at last 't
were come--
Now, while each bourse and shop and mill is dumb
And arsenals and dockyards
hum,--
Now all complete, supreme,
That vast, Satanic dream!--
Each field were trampled,
soaked,
Each stream dyed, choked,
Each leaguered city and blockaded port
Made famine's
sport;
The empty wave
Made reeling dreadnought's grave;
Cathedral, castle, gallery, smoking
fell
'Neath bomb and shell;
In deathlike trance
Lay industry, finance;
Two thousand years'
Bequest, achievement, saving, disappears
In blood and tears,
In widowed woe
That slum and
palace equal know,
In civilization's suicide,--
What served thereby, what satisfied?
For justice,
freedom, right, what wrought?
Naught!--
Save, after the great cataclysm, perhap
On the world's
shaken map
New lines, more near or far,
Binding to king or czar
In festering hate
Some newly
vassaled state;
And passion, lust and pride made satiate;
And just a trace
Of lingering smile on
Satan's face!
--_Boston News Bureau Poet_.
This poem has been called the great poem of the
war.
It was written just preceding the war, and published August 1 by the "Boston News Bureau."
Of it, and its author, Bartholomew P. Griffin, the following was written by Rev. Francis G.
Peabody: "The English poets, Bridges, Kipling, Austin, and Noyes, have all tried to meet the
need and all have lamentably failed.
I am proud not only that an American, but that a Harvard
man, should have risen to the occasion."
PREFACE
The Scotch have this proverb: "War brings
poverty.
Poverty brings peace.
Peace brings prosperity.
Prosperity brings pride.
And pride brings
war again."
Shall the world settle down to the faith that there is no redemption from an
everlasting round of pride, war, poverty, peace, prosperity, pride, and war again?
But it was not
primarily to settle, or even study this problem that I crossed the ocean and the English Channel
in winter.
As a journalist publishing the _Wall Street Journal_, the _Boston News Bureau_, and
the _Philadelphia News Bureau_, and directing news-gathering for the banking and financial
communities, I deemed it my duty to ascertain at close hand the financial factors in this war, and
the financial results therefrom.
I found myself on the other side, not only in the domain of the
finance encircling this war, but unexpectedly in close touch with diplomatic and government
circles.
The whole of the war, its commercial causes, its financial and military forces, its
tremendous human sacrifices, the conflicting principles of government, and the world-wide
issues involved, all lay out in clear facts and figures after I had gathered by day and night from
what appeared at first to be a tangled web.
I learned who made this war, and why at this time
and for what purposes, present and prospective; and from facts that could not be set down
categorically in papers of state.
No papers, "white," "gray," or "yellow," could present a picture of
the war in its inception and the reasons therefor.
There is no powerful organization over nations
to keep the peace of Europe or of the world, as nations are in organization over states, and
states over cities, to insure peace and justice, without strife or human sacrifice.
The immediate
causes of this war, and I believe they have not before been presented on this side of the ocean,
are connected with commercial treaties, protective tariffs, and financial progress.
It may be

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wondered that in our country, which is the home of the protective tariff system and boasts its
great prosperity therefrom, there has been as yet no presentation of the business causes
beneath this war.
Our great journalists are trained to find interesting, picturesque, and saleable
news features from big events.
Details of war's atrocities and destructions are to most people of
the greatest human interest, and rightly so.
As a country we have no international policy, and
European politics and policies have never interested us.
Germany is buttressed by tariffs and
commercial treaties on every side. Years ago I was told in Europe that the commercial treaties
wrested from France in 1871 were of more value to Germany than the billion dollars of indemnity
she took as her price to quit Paris.
But I did not realize until I was abroad this winter how
European countries had warred by tariffs, and that Germany and Russia were preparing for a
great clash at arms over the renewal of commercial and tariff treaties which expire within two
years, and which had been forced by Germany upon Russia during the Japanese War.
German
"Kultur" means German progress, commercially and financially. German progress is by tariffs
and commercial treaties.
Her armies, her arms, and her armaments, are to support this "Kultur"
and this progress.
I believe I have told the story as it has never been told before.
But the facts
cannot be drawn forth and properly set in review without some presentation of the spirit of the
peoples of the European nations.
If all the nations of Europe were of one language, the spirit,
the soul of each in its distinctive characteristics might stand out even more prominently than to-
day.
Then we could see even more clearly the spirit of brotherhood and nationality that stands
out resplendent as the soul of France.
We should see the spirit of empire and of trade, interknit
with administrative justice, as the soul of Great Britain.
We should see Germany an uncouth
giant in the center of Europe, viewing all about him with suspicion, and demanding to know why,
as the youngest, sturdiest, best organized, and hardest working European nation, he is not
entitled to overseas or world empire.
But few persons on this side have comprehended the
relation of this great war to the greatest commercial prizes in the world; the shores of the
Mediterranean, Asia Minor, with its Bagdad Railroad headed for the Persian Gulf, Mesopotamia
with its great oil-fields, undeveloped and a source of power for the recreation of Palestine and all
the lands between the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean, and Asia.
The greatest study for
Americans to-day is the spirit of nations as shown in this war, and great lessons for the United
States may be found in the finance, business, patriotism, and justice that stand forth in the
British Empire as never before.
She is rolling up a tremendous war-power within her empire and
throughout Europe, encircling the German war-power.
But she is likewise looking to her own
people and her own workers, filling her own factories and every laboring hand to the full that she
may keep her business and profits at home, and with her business and profits and accumulated
capital and income prosecute the greatest war of history.
She is not unmindful in any respect of
what the war may send her way. In the breaking-away and the breaking-up of Turkey, she sees
a clear field for Egypt, the realization of the dream of Cecil Rhodes of the development of the
whole of Africa by a Cape to Cairo Railroad, and she sees her own empire and peoples belting
the world in power, usefulness, and justice, and with a sweep and scope for enterprise and
development beyond all the previous dreams of this generation.
The United States, with
hundreds of millions of banking reserves released and giving base for a business expansion
double any we have had before, seems suddenly paralyzed in its business activities and,
comprehending only that the loaf of bread is a cent higher and a pound of cotton a few cents
lower, it is wondering on which side of its bread the butter is to fall.
Meanwhile, it talks politics,
asks if prosperity here is to come during or after the war; and having little comprehension of the
meaning of the national throbs that on the other side of the globe are pulsating the world into a
new era of light, liberty, and expansion by individual labor, it refuses to take up its daily home-
task and go forward.
In the hope that these pages may be useful to my fellow countrymen in

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giving them the facts of this war, its commercial causes, its financial progress, its sacrifice in
humanity,--sacrifice that could not be demanded but for a greater future,--these papers are
taken, as completed in my financial publications in this month of February, and placed before the
reading community in book form, as requested in hundreds of personal letters.
They were never
conceived or written with any idea of their permanent preservation.
They were prepared for the
banking community, which demands news-facts and figures discriminatingly presented.
The
banker wants the truth; he will make his own argument and reach his own conclusions.
The
reader will readily see that these chapters are day-to-day issues aiming to present that news
from the standpoint of finance.
But under all sound finance must be primarily the truth of
humanity.
They do not claim to be from beginning to end a harmonious book-presentation of the
war, but it is believed that they contain the essential fundamental war-facts; and the aim was to
present them in most condensed expression.
They cover the first six months of this most
Audacious War.
Whether it is to continue for another six months or another sixteen months is not
so material as the character of the peace and what is to follow.
No greater problem can be
placed before the world than that of how the peace of nations may be maintained.
Having
cleared my own mind upon this subject, I submit it in the final chapter, which naturally follows
after that treating of the lessons for the United States from this war.
Only in an international
organization, with power to make decrees of peace and enforce them, and with insurance of
powers above those of all dissenters, can we find the peace of nations as we have found the
peace of cities.
This Audacious War has forced such an alliance as can yield this power.
Its
transfer to the support of an International tribunal can make and keep the peace of Europe and
eventually of the world.
Then may the earth cease to be, in history, that steady round of
Prosperity, Pride, and War.
C. W. Barron.
February 15, 1915.
CONTENTS
I.
THE WORLD'S
GREATEST CONTEST
II.
TARIFFS AND COMMERCE THE WAR CAUSES
III.
THE POLITICAL
CAUSES OF THE WAR
IV.
PEACE PROPOSALS
V.
FRANCE AND THE FRENCH
VI.
THE
POSITION OF FRANCE
VII.
FRENCH FINANCE
VIII.
THE BELGIAN SACRIFICE
IX.
RUSSIA
AND THE RUSSIANS
X.
THE ENGLISH POSITION
XI.
ENGLISH WAR FORCES
XII.
ENGLISH
WAR FINANCE
XIII.
GERMAN RESOURCES
XIV.
IS IT THE PEOPLE'S WAR?
XV.
THE
GERMAN POSITION
XVI.
THE LESSONS FOR AMERICA
XVII.
WHAT PEACE SHOULD
MEAN
THE AUDACIOUS WAR
CHAPTER I
THE WORLD'S GREATEST CONTEST
The
Censorship--The Warship "Audacious"--Mine or Torpedo?--The Battle Line--War by Gasolene
Motors--The Boys from Canada--The Audacity of it.
The war of 1914 is not only the greatest war
in history but the greatest in the political and economic sciences.
Indeed, it is the greatest war of
all the sciences, for it involves all the known sciences of earth, ocean, and the skies.
To get the
military, the political, and especially the financial flavor of this war, to study its probable duration
and its financial consequences, was the object of a trip to England and France from which the
writer has recently returned.
One can hear "war news" from the time he leaves the American
coast and begins to pick up the line of the British warships--England's far-flung battle line--until
he returns to the dock, but thorough investigation would convince a trained news man that most
of this war gossip is erroneous.
This war is so vast and wide, from causes so powerful and deep,
and will be so far-reaching in its effects that no ill-considered or partial statements concerning it
should be made by any responsible writer.
The difficulty of obtaining the exact facts by any
ordinary methods is very great.
There is a strict supervision of all news, and to insure that by
news sources no "aid or comfort" is given to the enemy, a vast amount of pertinent, legitimate,
and harmless news and data is necessarily suppressed.
The censors are military men and not
news men, and act from the standpoint that a million facts had better be suppressed than that a
single report should be helpful to the enemy. Only in Russia are reports of news men from the
firing line allowed.
One hears abroad continually of the battle of the Marne, of the battle of the

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Aisne, of the contest at Ypres, and the fight on the Yser, but no outside man has yet been
permitted to describe any of these in detail, or to give the strategy, beginning, end, or
boundaries of them, or even the distinct casualties therefrom.
Indeed, it is doubtful if the official
histories, when they are written, can do this, for these are the emphasized portions of one great
and continuous battle that went on for more than one hundred days.
To illustrate the strength of
the hand on the English war news, it may be noted that there is no mention permitted in the
English press of such a ship as the "Audacious."
Yet American papers with photographs of the
"Audacious" as she sinks in the ocean are sold in London and on the Continent.
Outside of
London not ten per cent of the people know anything concerning this boat or her finish.
This
word "finish" would be disputed in any newspaper or well-informed financial office in London
where it is daily declared that although the "Audacious" met with an accident, her guns have
been raised and will go aboard another ship of the same size, purchased, or just being finished,
and named the "Audacious."
Indeed, I was informed on "good authority" that the "Audacious"
was afloat, had been towed into Birkenhead and that the repairs to her bottom were nearly
finished. You can hear similar stories wherever the "accident" is discussed.
I have heard it so
many times that I ought to believe it.
Yet if one hundred people separately and individually make
assurances concerning something of which they have no personal knowledge, it does not go
down with a true news man.
I was able to run across a man who saw the affair of the
"Audacious."
He laughed at the stories of shallow water and raised guns.
His position was such,
both then and thereafter, that I was sure that he knew and told me the truth.
Later I learned that
the "Audacious" was too far off the Irish coast to permit of talk of shallow water, and that neither
guns nor 30,000-ton warships are raised from fifty-fathom depths.
Yet I am willing to narrate
what has not been permitted publication in England, and I think not elsewhere: that the mines
about Lough Swilly, along the Scotch and Irish coasts, and in the Irish Sea, were laid with the
assistance of English fishing-boats flying the English flag.
These boats had been captured by
the Germans and impressed into this work.
There are also stories of Irish boats and Norwegian
trawlers in this work, but I secured no confirmation of such reports.
It is still unsettled in British
Admiralty circles as to whether the "Audacious" came in contact with a mine or torpedo from a
German submarine.
Two of her crew report that they saw the wake of a torpedo. Reports that
the periscope of a submarine showed above the water I have reason to reject.
English reports
were suppressed--the admiralty claimed this right, since there was no loss of life--in the belief
that if the ship was torpedoed by a submarine, the Germans would give out the first report, and
thereby be of assistance in determining the cause.
But to-day the Germans have their doubt as
to where the "Audacious" is, and as to whether or not she was ever really sunk.
Expert opinion is
divided in authoritative circles in England as to the cause of the disaster; but more than 400
mines have been swept up along the Irish and Scotch coasts by the English mine sweepers.
While upon this subject, I ought to narrate that the study of this topic has convinced me that the
Germans have a long task if they hope within a reasonable number of months to reduce by
submarine torpedo practice the efficiency of the English navy to a basis that will warrant German
warships coming forth to battle.
Every battleship is protected by four destroyers.
Submarines,
when detected, are the most easily destroyed craft.
They have no protection against even a well-
directed rifle bullet.
Their whole protection is that of invisibility.
Their plan of operation is to reach
a position during the night, whence in the early morning they can single out an unprotected
warship or cruiser not in motion, and launch against her side a well-directed torpedo, before
being discovered.
The place for England's battleships is where they are: in the harbors with their
protecting nets down until they are called for in battle. In motion or action, submarines have little
show against them.
The Japanese at Port Arthur found that protecting nets picked up many
torpedoes and submarines.
Since that time, torpedoes have been made with cutting heads to

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pierce steel nets encircling the warships, but their effectiveness has not so far been practically
demonstrated.
It is Kitchener's idea to keep the enemy guessing.
Therefore he was rather
pleased than otherwise when the story of Russians coming through England from Archangel
was told all over the world.
The War Office winked at the story and certainly had no objection to
the Germans getting a good dose of it.
I think that story might have been helpful at the time
when the Allies were at their weakest, but they do not now need Russians, or stories of
Russians, from Archangel.
The story must also go by the board that a submarine north of Ireland
meant either a new type of boat that could go so far from Germany, or an unknown base nearer
Scotland.
Submarines as now built could go from Germany around the British Isles and then
across the Atlantic--in fair weather.
The eastern boundary of France divides itself into four very
nearly equal sections.
Italy and Switzerland are the lower quarters of this boundary line; and of
the upper quarters Belgium is the larger and Germany the smaller.
The southern half of the
German quarter boundary is a mountain range and on the open sections stand the great
fortifications of France and Germany, regarded by both countries as practically impregnable.
The
defence of France on the Belgian frontier was the treaty which guaranteed the neutrality of the
smaller country.
When Germany's conquering hosts came through Belgium, the war soon
became a battle of human beings rather than of fortifications.
Neither the French nor the
Germans had learned from practical experience the modern art of fighting human legions in
ground trenches, but both sides quickly betook themselves to this rabbit method of warfare.
To-
day from Switzerland to the North Sea is a double wall of 4,000,000 men, all fighting, not only for
their own existence but for the existence of their nationality--their national ideals.
They are
protected by aeroplanes, flying above, that keep watch of any large movements.
They are
backed by 4,000,000 men in reserve and training who keep the trenches filled with fighting men,
as 10,000 to 20,000 daily retire to mother earth, to the hospitals, or to the camps of the
imprisoned.
On the North Sea and the English Channel they are supported by fleets of
battleships, cruisers, submarines, and torpedo boat destroyers that occasionally "scrap" with
each other, the German boats now and then attacking the English coast and harbors and the
English boats now and then assisting to mow down the German troops when they approach too
near the coast.
But the great dread and key to this naval warfare is the modern submarine.
Submarines, aeroplanes, and motor busses are three elements of warfare never before put to
the test; and the greatest of these thus far is the gasolene motor-car.
By this alone Germany
may be defeated.
France and England are rich in gasolene motor power, and supplies from
America are open to them.
A year ago there were less than 90,000 motor-cars in Germany, and
Prince Henry started to encourage motoring to remedy this, but the Germans are slow to
respond in sport.
Indeed they know little of sport as the English understand it, of sportsman
ethics or the sense of fair play in either sport or war.
They do not comprehend the English
applause for the captain of the "Emden" and stand aghast at the idea that he would be received
as a hero in England.
When a daring aeroplane flier in the performance of his duty has met with
mishap and, landed on German soil, he is not welcomed as a hero.
He is struck and kicked.
The
German is not to be blamed.
It is the way he has been educated to "assert himself," as the
Germans phrase it.
Indeed, when the captain of the "Emden" was taken prisoner and was
congratulated by the Australian commander for his gallant defense, he was so taken aback that
he had to walk away and think it over.
He returned to thank his adversary for his complimentary
remarks.
With true German scientific instinct he had to find his defeat in a physical cause,
remarking, "It was fortunate for you that your first shot took away my speaking tubes."
The
English are sports in war,--too sporty in fact.
General Joffre warned General French over and
over again, "Your officers are too audacious; you will soon have none to command," and his
words proved true.
The English officers felt that the rules of the game called upon them to lead

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their men.
They became targets for the guns of the foe, until one of the present embarrassments
in England is the unprecedented loss of officers.
This has now been changed and Kitchener
insists that both officers and men shall regard themselves as property of the Empire, that the
exposure of a single life to unnecessary hazard is a breach of discipline.
For this reason Victoria
Crosses are not numerous, less than two dozen having been conferred thus far; and it has been
quietly announced that no Victoria Crosses will be conferred for single acts of bravery or where
only one life is involved.
It must be team work and results affecting many.
For this reason also it
has been decreed that the 33,000 Canadians in training at Salisbury Plain shall not be put in the
front until they have learned discipline in place of the American initiative.
These Canadian boys
receive their home pay of four shillings, or $1 per day, while the English Tommy gets one
quarter of this amount.
The Canadians are fine fellows, feeling their independence and anxious
to be on the firing line, but the War Office recognizes that soldierly independence cannot be
allowed in this war.
It is not improbable that the Canadian troops will eventually be dispersed
that their strong individual initiative may be thoroughly harnessed under the organization before
they are trusted in the trenches.
They are not to be permitted to go there to be shot at, but to use
their splendid physiques, fighting abilities, and patriotism--more British than the English
themselves--in strict organization.
This is not to be an audacious war on the part of the Allies.
It
is first a defensive war in which the Germans are the heaviest losers.
On the part of the
Germans it is an audacious war and its very audacity has astounded the whole world.
But
Germany never meant to war against the world collectively.
That was the accident of her bad
diplomacy.
The audaciousness of Prussian war conceptions began in the latter part of the last
century.
They did not grow out of the war with the French in 1870, for Bismarck's legacy to the
German nation was a warning against any war with Russia.
The German scheme was concocted
by the successor of Bismarck himself, none other than Kaiser William II.
He planned a steady
growth of German power that would first vanquish the Slav of southeastern Europe and give
Germany control through Constantinople and Asia Minor to the Persian gulf; then, as opportunity
arose, a crushing of France and repression of Russia; and the overthrow of the British empire;
and then the end of the Monroe Doctrine, to be followed by American tariffs dictated from
Germany.
This seems so audacious a program as to be almost beyond comprehension in
America.
Yet it will be made clear in the next chapter.
CHAPTER II
TARIFFS AND COMMERCE
THE WAR CAUSES
War with Russia was Inevitable--Finance and Tariffs made Germany great--
Commercial War--How Germany loses in the United States--The Tariff Danger.
For the causes
of this most audacious war of 1914 one must study, not only Germany and her imperial policy,
but most particularly her relations with Russia.
These relations are very little understood in
America, but they become vital to us when open to public view.
Disregarding all the counsels of
Bismarck and the previous reigning Hohenzollerns, the present Kaiser has steadily offended
Russia.
War with her within two years was inevitable, irrespective of any causes in relation to
Servia.
Russia knew this and was diligently preparing for it.
Germany--the war party of Germany-
-knew it and with supreme audacity determined through Austria first to smash Servia and put the
Balkan States and Turkey in alignment with herself for this coming war with Russia.
Sergius
Witte is one of the great statesmen of Russia.
He formulated the programme for the Siberian
railroad and Russian Asiatic development.
The party of nobles opposed to him arranged that he
should receive the humiliation of an ignoble peace with Japan, under which it was expected that
Russia would have to pay a huge indemnity.
But when Witte arrived at the naval station at
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, to make the famous treaty with Japan, his first declaration was,
"Not one kopeck for indemnity."
He won out and returned in triumph to Russia.
But during the
progress of the Japanese war Germany thrust her commercial treaties upon St. Petersburg.
Goods from Russia into Germany were taxed while German goods went under favorable terms

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into Russia, with the result that Russia has had a struggle now for ten years to keep her gold
basis and her financial exchanges.
It was Witte who was sent to Berlin to protest against these
proposed treaties and secure more favorable terms.
Witte made his protest and refused to
accept the German demands.
Then suddenly he received peremptory orders from the Czar to
grant all the demands of Germany. The Czar declared Russia was in no condition to have
trouble with Germany.
These commercial treaties expire within two years.
Russia many months
back proposed the discussion of new terms.
Germany responded that the present treaties were
satisfactory to her and he should call for their renewal.
This meant either further humiliation to
Russia or war.
Russia had already suffered the affront of being forced by Germany at the point
of the bayonet to assent to the taking by Austria of Bosnia and Herzegovina in violation of the
Treaty of Berlin.
The Czar realized many months ago that Russia must now fight for her
commercial life. She would not, however, be ready for the war until 1916.
Let Americans
consider what this means--a German war over commercial tariffs--and see what, if successful in
Europe, it would lead to.
The German nation is a fighting unit under the dominion of Prussia, the
greatest war state, not only of the empire, but of the world.
Having welded Germany by the
Franco-Prussian war into a nation with unified tariffs, transportation, currency, and monetary
systems, Prussia has been able to point to the war as the cause of the phenomenal prosperity of
Germany.
It is a popular fallacy in Germany that militarism makes the greatness of a nation.
Germany's prosperity did not begin with the war of 1870. This was only the beginning of German
unity which made possible unified transportation and later unified finances and tariffs.
Several
years after the war, France, which had paid an indemnity to Germany of a thousand million
dollars, or five billion francs, was found, to the astonishment of Bismarck, more prosperous than
Germany which had thus received the expenses of her military campaign and a dot of Spandau
Tower war-reserve moneys.
In 1875 came the great Reichsbank Act, which consolidated all the
banking power of the empire.
Then came her scientific tariffs which put up the bars here, and let
them down there, according as Germany needed export or import trade in any quarter of the
earth.
The German people, on a soil poorer than that of France, worked hard and long hours for
small wages.
But they worked scientifically and under the most intelligent protective tariff the
world has ever seen.
In a generation they built up a foreign trade surpassing that of the United
States and reaching $4,500,000,000 per annum.
By her rate of progress she was on the way to
distance England, whose ports and business were open to her merchants without even the full
English income tax.
She built the biggest passenger steamers ever conceived of and reached for
the freight carrying trade of the world.
She mined in coal and iron and built solidly of brick and
stone.
She put the world under tribute to her cheap and scientific chemistry.
She dug from great
depths the only potash mines in the world and from half this potash she fertilized her soil until it
laughed with abundant harvests.
The other half she sold outside so that her own potash stood
her free and a profit besides.
No nation ever recorded the progress that Germany made after the
inauguration of her bank act and her scientific tariffs.
The government permitted no waste of
labor, no disorganization of industry.
Capital and labor could each combine, but there must be no
prolonged strikes, no waste, no loss; they must work harmoniously together and for the
upbuilding of the empire.
Germany did not want war except as means to an end.
She wanted the
fruits of her industry.
She wanted her people, her trade, and her commerce to expand over the
surface of the earth, but to be still German and to bring home the fruit of German industry.
Germany has been at war--commercial war--with the whole world now for a generation, and in
this warfare she has triumphed.
Her enterprise, her industry, and her merchants have spread
themselves over the surface of the earth to a degree little realized until her diplomacy again
slipped and the present war followed--such a war as was planned for by nobody and not
expected even by herself.
She was giving long credits and dominating the trade of South

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America.
She had given free trade England a fright by the stamp, "Made in Germany."
She was
pushing forward through Poland into Russia to the extent that her merchants dominated Warsaw
and were spreading out even over the Siberian railroad.
Her finance was intertwined with that of
London and Paris.
In the United States she was the greatest loser.
Here taxes were lowest and
freedom greatest.
German blood flowed in the veins of 20,000,000 Americans and not one
fourth of them could she call her own. The biggest newspaper publisher in America, William
Randolph Hearst, figured that New York was one of the big German cities of the world. He
turned his giant presses to capture the German sentiment.
He spent tens of thousands of dollars
upon German cable news, devoting at times a whole page to cable presentations from Europe
which he thought would interest Germans.
But the investment proved fruitless; he found there
was in America no German sentiment such as he had reckoned upon.
He could not increase his
circulation, for the German-Americans seemed little concerned as to what happened in Berlin or
Bavaria.
Prussia learned what Hearst learned, that Germans were soon lost in the United States.
She studied this exodus and the wage question and by various arts and organizations arrested
the German emigration to America.
She saw to it that employment at home was more stable.
It
was figured that if the German emigration could be centralized under the German eagle it would
be to her advantage.
The question was where to get land that could be made German.
Europe
has for some years expected a German dash in Patagonia, and the Europeans outside of
Germany have taken very kindly of late years to the Monroe Doctrine. In Africa and the islands
of the sea the German colonial policy has not been a success.
Dr. Dernburg as colonial
secretary has many a time stood up in the Reichstag and warned the Germans that the home
military system and rules were not adaptable to colonization in foreign parts; that Germans must
adapt themselves to foreign countries and not attempt at first to make their manners the
standard in the colonies they undertook to dominate.
While German colonies have not yet
passed beyond the experimental stage, German tariffs and German commerce have been great
successes.
The population of Russia is 166,000,000 people.
This is the latest figure I gathered
from those intimate with the government at St. Petersburg.
This is just 100,000,000 more than
Germany.
Germany thinks she must trade to her own advantage with the people now crowding
her eastern border.
The example of America in putting up tariff bars against "Made in Germany"
has many advocates in England and in the rest of the world.
When France, only a few years
ago, was angered that Italy should sign up in "triple alliance" with Austria and Germany, she did
not dare to attack Italy with arms, but she did attack Italy by tariff measures, and for a time Italy
and France fought--by tariffs.
What might be the position of Germany if the American protective
tariff system were expanded over the earth?
In the view of some people tariffs, taxation, and
armaments go hand in hand.
There is a town in Prussia that finished payment only twenty years
ago on the indemnity Napoleon exacted from it.
Can a country afford to develop an industrial
system dependent upon an outside world and then suddenly find the outside world closed by
tariff barriers?
When an American ambassador protested against Bismarck's discriminatory
treatment of American pork, the great chancellor asked, "What have you to talk with?
You have
no army or navy."
"No," said the American ambassador, "but we have the ability to build them as
big as anybody. Do you wish to tempt us?"
"No," said the German chancellor, "and your goods
shall not be discriminated against."
Dr. Dernburg has given the key to the German colonial
military, tariff, and financial policy.
German unity in tariffs and transportation has made German
prosperity, and Dr. Dernburg, her former colonial secretary and now in New York, says the
mouth of the Rhine and the channel ports must be free to Germany and that Belgium must come
into tariff and transportation union with Germany.
Belgium is being taxed, tariffed, pounded, and
impounded into the German empire.
There is some difference in size between Belgium and
Russia, but no difference in principle with respect to their German relations.
"World power or

Page 10

downfall," Bernhardi put it.
CHAPTER III
THE POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE WAR
A State with
no Morals--A Peace Treaty sundered--Where Germany fails--A Thunderbolt.
Sending his little
expedition to China the Kaiser said:--
"When you encounter the enemy you will defeat him; no
quarter shall be given, no prisoners shall be taken.
Let all who fall into your hands be at your
mercy.
Just as the Huns one thousand years ago, under the leadership of Attila, gained a
reputation in virtue of which they still live in historical tradition, so may the name of Germany
become known in such a manner in China that no Chinaman will ever again dare to look
askance at a German."
Belgium was made an example of.
According to the German idea she
should have accepted money and not stood in the way of German progress.
German military
progress is allied with German commercial progress.
It is a mistake in the conception of
Germany to imagine that she wars for the purpose of war or for the development and training of
her men.
The first principle of German "Kultur" as respects the state is that the sole business of
the government is to advance the interests of the state.
No laws having been formulated in
respect to the business of a state, the government is without moral responsibility, and the laws
applicable to individual action do not apply to the state.
Individuals may do wrong, but the state
cannot do wrong.
Individuals may steal and be punished therefor, but the state cannot steal.
It is
its business to expand and to appropriate.
Individuals may murder and be punished for the
crime, but it is the business of the state to kill for state development or progress.
The English-
speaking conception of morality is that what applies to an individual in a community applies to
the aggregate of the individuals, that the state is only the aggregate of the individuals exercising
the natural human functions of government for law and order.
This is entirely outside the German
conception.
In the German conception a government comes down from above and not up from
the people.
It is not the people who rule or govern, but the government from above rules the
people, and the people must implicitly follow and obey; thus is national progress and human
progress.
The whole of Germany believes in the government of the Kaiser: that law and war flow
down through him and that neither can be questioned by the individual. Obedience, union,
efficiency, progress, and progress through war, if necessary, are cardinal virtues.
Germany does
not desire war with Russia, but German progress requires the continuance of present tariff
relations, and if war is a means to that desirable end, war is divine.
The murder of the Crown
Prince of Austria was an incident furnishing Germany and Austria opportunity to carry out their
long-conceived programme for the extension of their influence through the growing state of
Servia.
A treaty had been arranged between Greece and Turkey, and was to have been signed
in July, which would have settled many things in respect to Turkey and the Balkan states.
Roumania and Servia were in agreement concerning this great measure for peace in
southeastern Europe.
When all was ready for the final conference and the signatures, Austria
intervened and announced her opposition.
Then suddenly followed the bombshell of the
ultimatum to Servia, timed at the precise moment to stop the signing of this Turkish treaty.
Austrian officials admitted privately as follows, and I have it directly from parties to the
negotiations:--
"We are satisfied that Servia would punish the murderers of Prince Ferdinand if
we so requested.
We are satisfied she would apologize to Austria if we requested it.
But our
aims go beyond.
We demand that instead of the proposed Turkish treaty the Balkan states shall
come into union with Turkey under the influence of Austria.
To accomplish this we must accept
no apology, but must punish Servia.
We are satisfied that Russia is in no financial or military
position to interfere."
Germany with its enormous spy system had secured copies of the
confidential state papers of the Czar and transmitted them to Vienna. In these were warnings,
statistics, and compilations showing all the financial and military weaknesses of Russia: that her
great gold reserve had been largely loaned out and was not available cash on hand, as the
world had been led to believe; that it would take eighteen months more of preparation to place

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